Vol 5 - 2008


CONTENTS



Whigs, Tories and Jacobites during the Reign of King George I (1714-1727)
Costel COROBAN

Abstract: The Hanoverian Succession of 1714 brought about important changes in the political system of Great Britain. For example, the group of ministers responsible to the House of Commons (and also other British political institutions), appeared progressively and out of necessity. The cause was the absence of the king, which spent at least half of his time at his court in Hanover. Soon, and because of the same reason, the institution of the leader of the cabinet (the Prime-Minister) also appeared. What gave the British constitution a remarkable unity was that all the three branches of power and the local institutions were in the hands of the same class. This mixed constitution, whose central point still remained the pluralistic nature of the form of government, including many obstacles and means of moderation, qualifies under the definition of the republic. But because the head of state is a monarch and that the voters elect mostly aristocrats as their representatives in the legislature, the most appropriate description of the British political system after 1714 would be a “a crowned aristocratic republic”. The point of this article, which uses mostly secondary sources, is analyzing the evolution of these political changes while also providing a view of the relationship between the main political parties, the Whigs – which were in full ascension during this period –, the Tories and the Jacobite rebels.

Rezumat: În 1715, câştigătorii în alegeri, Whigii, au acţionat rapid în vederea consolidării victoriei lor şi au luat şi măsuri represive împotriva Torylor. Printre primele măsuri legislative ale noului parlament se numără „Riot Act” („Legea răscoalei” – 1 august 1715), măsură provocată de o serie de proteste de stradă anti-Whig şi pro-iacobite din Londra, Bristol şi Midlands (zona de centru a Angliei). În lege se declara că, dacă un grup de 12 sau mai multe persoane refuză să se disperseze după ce a trecut mai mult de o oră de la proclamaţia unui magistrat, atunci aceştia se fac vinovaţi de încălcarea gravă a legii putându-li-se aplica şi pedeapsa cu moartea. Erau oferite şi garanţii pentru persoanele care participau la dispersarea mulţimii, însă legea a avut un succes limitat, deoarece magistraţii au ezitat în a citi proclamaţia, iar soldaţii de multe ori au ezitat să deschidă focul.

KEYWORDS: George I, Whigs, Tory, Jacobites, Westminster, Hanover.





BĂTĂLIA NAVALĂ DIN GOLFUL ABUKIR (1-3 august 1798)
Dr. Olimpiu Manuel GLODARENCO, Ionel Dan CIOCOIU

Abstract: In 1798, General Bonaparte had sought to invade Egypt, as the first step in a campaign against British India, in an effort to drive Britain out of the French Revolutionary Wars. As Bonaparte's fleet crossed the Mediterranean, it was pursued by a British force under Rear-Admiral Horatio Nelson, sent from the British fleet in the Tagus, to establish the purpose of the French expedition and defeat it. For more than two months, Nelson chased the French, on several occasions only missing them by a matter of hours. Bonaparte, aware of Nelson's pursuit, enforced absolute secrecy about his destination and was able to capture Malta and then land in Egypt without interception by the British force. The Battle of the Nile (also known as the Battle of Aboukir Bay), 1–3 August 1798, was the climax of a naval campaign that had ranged across the Mediterranean during the previous three months, as a large French convoy sailed from Toulon to Alexandria, carrying an expeditionary force under General Napoleon Bonaparte. The French were defeated by the British forces led by Rear-Admiral Sir Horatio Nelson. The battle reversed the strategic situation in the Mediterranean, allowing the Royal Navy to assume a dominant position it retained for the rest of the war. It also encouraged other European countries to turn against France, and was a factor in the outbreak of the War of the Second Coalition. Bonaparte's army was trapped in Egypt, and Royal Navy dominance off the Syrian coast contributed significantly to its defeat at the Siege of Acre in 1799, that preceded Bonaparte's return
to Europe. Nelson, who had been wounded in the battle, was proclaimed a hero across Europe and was subsequently made Baron Nelson, although he was privately dissatisfied with his rewards. His captains were also highly praised, and would go on to form the nucleus of the legendary Nelsonic “Band of Brothers”.

Rezumat:
În după amiaza zilei de 1 august 1798, veghea din gabia navei HMS ZEALOUS zărea flota franceză la ancoră în Golful Abukir. Semnalul a fost trimis tuturor navelor şi, potrivit lui Sir Edward Berry, comandantul navei amiral VANGUARD, la bordul căreia se afla însuşi Nelson, un sentiment de bucurie părea că umple pieptul fiecărui om de la bord, la vederea inamicului1. Era sfârşitul unei urmăriri
care fusese începută de contraamiralul Nelson încă din luna mai, de când intrase, din nou, în Mediterana, după o absenţă de optsprezece luni. Rând pe rând, trecuse prin Sardinia, Elba, Citta Vechia, Napoli, Sicilia şi Alexandria pentru ca să se întoarcă din nou în Sicilia, iar succesul să îi surâdă, în sfârşit, în Egipt. Urmărirea fusese cu atât mai dificilă cu cât acesta nu dispunea de baze în
Mediterana, iar aliaţii Angliei în zonă lipseau cu desăvârşire.

Keywords: Abukir, attack, Brueys, fleet, fight, ship, Napoleon, Nelson, cannon, Royal Navy.




Concepte de apărare a unei baze navale în studiile de specialitate ale Marelui Stat Major Român în perioada interbelică
Drd. Andrei VOCHIŢU

Abstract: Few are the records lasted until us speaking of a rare concept of the defensive doctrine for the Romanian Black Sea Shore in the years before the breaking of the World War II. Even if the construction of a naval base was considered to be an exotically concept, the officers of the Romanian Army’s Major Staff, drawn schematics and defensive plans that centred around the corroborate defensive of a big military naval camp that could be a naval base situated somewhere on the Romanian shore at the Black Sea. The plans had in consideration the era’s defence studies and the learning from the last war regarding complex naval tactics in the perspective of a modern use of forces.

Rezumat:
Părerea specialiştilor militari români în deceniul al 4-lea era că necesitatea unei baze navale la litoral era imperativă în vederea unei cât mai eficace defensive dinspre a mare a României. Cu toate că România nu dispunea de o flotă mare, nici măcar una proporţională cu lungimea litoralului său1, rolul pe care l-ar putea juca un astfel de stabliment în conjuctura strategică nou creată la litoral ar fi putu fi hotărâtor.

Keywords: naval base, Black Sea, defence, interwar.




JURNALUL ISTORIC AL DIVIZIEI DE MARE (1901-1915; 1920-1934.) DOCUMENT ORIGINAL AFLAT IN PATRIMONIUL MUZEULUI MARINEI ROMANE
Dr. Andreea ATANASIU-CROITORU

Abstract: During his life time, 1896-1943, The Sea Division was the witness or maybe evens the creator of a very important moment of the Dobrogea history and of the maritime history, moments carefully recorded in The Sea Division log book. The original document is held in the Romanian Naval Museum patrimony and it was kept for two distinct periods: 1901-1915 and 1920-1934. The Sea Division is a big strategically and tactic unit of the Navy founded at February 26, 1896, through the reorganization of the Fleet Corp (constituted at October 20, 1860) from his separation in two big distinct units: the Sea Division and the Danube Division. In his first composition the Sea Division was composed from: the Arsenal with the Personnel School, the Torpedo School (The Mobile Defense), the Maritime Harbors Defense and all the sea ships (the “Elisabeta” cruiser, the brig “Mircea”, the gunboat “Grivita” and the torpedo-boats “Sborul” and “Naluca”). By successive reorganizations, The Sea Division became, in time, a large unit, very complex and his missions were the Romanian littoral defense in cooperation with other Romanian army forces categories and also, to have fight actions against the enemy ships in his responsibility zone.

Rezumat: Pe parcursul anilor săi de „viaţă”, 1896-1943, Divizia de Mare a fost martora sau chiar înfăptuitoarea unor momente importante din istoria Dobrogei şi a armei reprezentate de această structură, momente consemnate cu grijă în Jurnalul Istoric al Diviziei de Mare1. Document original, aflat în patrimoniul Muzeului Marinei Române, Jurnalul se referă la două perioade distincte: anii
1901-1915 şi 1920-1934.

Keywords: Sea Division, Naval Museum, Log Book.




Acţiuni de spionaj la Sulina la începutul Primului Război Mondial
Dr. Ion Rîşnoveanu

Abstract: From the documents presented above, obviously results, the hostile actions of Austro-Hungarian and Turkish military attaché against Romania during 1915 and 1916, as time as the situation on the West front was considered more and more doubtful and thus Romania entering the war besides Central Powers was absolute necessary.

Rezumat: Izbucnirea primului război mondial în anul 1914 a avut drept cauze, printre altele, accentuarea diferendelor dintre Marile Puteri europene care doreau împărţirea şi reîmpărţirea sferelor de influenţă. Astfel, Germania dorea să-şi extindă sistemul colonial fiind într-o competiţie directă cu Marea Britanie, mai ales în Africa; Austro-Ungaria viza luarea sub control a Peninsulei Balcanice,
prin extinderea influenţei sale în Serbia, Bulgaria, Grecia şi Albania; Marea Britanie căuta să elimine flota germană de pe principalele mări, să anihileze concurenţa industriei celui de-al doilea Reich şi să-i acapareze coloniile bogate din Africa de sud-vest şi de sud-est; Franţa proiecta nu numai redobândirea Alsaciei şi Lorenei, ci şi dezmembrarea imperiului Wilhelmian, precum şi anexarea Ruhr-ului, în timp ce Rusia spera să-şi instaureze dominaţia în Balcani, în detrimentul Austro-Ungariei, dar şi spre Strâmtori şi în Persia.

Keywords: spying, hostile actions, Germany, documents.




Emigrarea evreilor între speranţa salvării şi realitatea dezastrului: cazul ,,Struma” (1941-1942)
Dr. Florin Stan

Abstract: The emigration of the Jews through Constanţa harbor between 1940-1944 has reflected, on one side, the propensity of this minority to establish itself in Palestine, the general desire to survive by departing the space of German Nazi dominance, and on the other side, a sui generis tendency of Antonescu regime’s policy. The German authorities in the harbor had a minimal intervention into this movement, being unsuccessful in stopping, in the cases in which there were such attempts (respectively, the boats Struma), the departure from the Constanţa harbor of any boat transporting Jewish passengers. The number of Jews who exited Romania by sea was of at least 4.846. Subsequent to the sinking of the Struma boat (769 victims) and Mefküre (approx. 343 victims), the number of the ones who were saved is reduced to 3.734. All the other boats have reached their destination. The exact number can’t be precisely determined, but it’s most probably that the number of Jews who emigrated through Constanţa harbor between 1940 and 1944 was significantly higher. The difficulty in obtaining emigration permits has obliged many of the Jews to resort to the alternative of conspiring their embarking (for example, for April 27th 1944, Milka was registered transporting 273 Jewish passengers, but the actual number was of about 360).

Rezumat: Problematica emigrării evreilor în anii celei de-a doua conflagraţii mondiale reprezintă unul dintre punctele centrale ale dezbaterii privind situaţia evreilor din România anilor 1940-1944. În cele ce urmează expunem sintetic unul dintre cazurile care au dus la încheieri diferite în istoriografie sau literatura de specialitate. Încheierile noastre se bazează pe sursele arhivistice existente în cadrul Arhivelor Naţionale ale Republicii Moldova din Chişinău, Arhivei Centrului de Studii şi Păstrare a Arhivelor Militare Istorice ,,General Radu Rosetti” Piteşti (Arhivele Militare Române), Direcţiei Judeţene Constanţa a Arhivelor Naţionale, ca şi pe studiile şi lucrările de specialitate care au abordat tematica emigrării evreilor şi cazul Struma.

Keywords: jewish emigration, disaster, Struma boat.




La Formación del Estado y de la Nación en América Latina. Estudio de caso sobre Argentina
Dr. Eduardo Araya Leüpin

Abstract: This article tries to describe how it were created the state and the nation in the emerging countries of Latin America in the beginning of the XIX-th century. After a short presentation of the general context in which occure the formation of the state and the nation in Latin America, is made an analize on the conceptual nature of the state and the nation. The Argentinian model is take as a study case in order to explain better the complex process of state-building and nation-building.

Rezumat: Acest articol încearcă să explice cum au fost create naţiunile şi statele emergente din America Latină la începutului secolului al XIX-lea. După o scurtă prezentare a contextului general în care s-a produs formarea statelor şi naţiunilor în America Latină, este făcută o analiză a naturii conceptuale a statului şi a naţiunii. Modelul argentinian este luat ca un studiu de caz în scopul explicării mai detaliate a complexului proces de nation-building şi state-building.

Keywords: state, nation, independence, Argentina, Latin America.




Relaţiile României cu unele ţări din America Latină în primul deceniu după desăvârşirea unităţii sale de stat
Dr. Lavinia Dacia Gheorghe

Abstract: The outcome of the First World War represented a source of knowledge for humanity along with the fact that the co-operation among world states was regarded necessary in order to maintain peace. The realization of the main goal of Romanian people –complete unity-facilitated the intensification of diplomatic relations in respect world states. A strenuous Romania that was considered quite stable from the economic point of view began to have relations with distant countries. Moreover, it is necessary to emphasize the fact according to which language represented an item that related Romania to Latin America, therefore mutual knowledge and soundings were, in a considerable degree, realized. The author reminds only world geographical works that had as main target the familiarization of Romanians with countries of the Latin-American continent and the presentation of the mission of lieutenant doctor Ilarie Mitrea, Răşinari at the place of action in Mexico – at the half of the XIXth century part of the “Mexican adventure” of Napoleon the III rd- by means of Iulius Popper’s undertaken scientific expeditions-in the Fire Country together with his activity in Cuba, Brazil and Argentina, at the end of XIXth century and Emil Racovita. A perspective of Latin America was made clear by means of periodicals, namely: Albina Românească”, „Curierul românesc”, „Icoana lumei”, „Jurnalul de Galatz”, „Gazeta de Moldavia” that analyzed only in part not only the geography, flora, fauna but also political events, history and the economy of these countries especially in the conditions of the “gold chase”.

Rezumat: După Primul Război Mondial, omenirea a învăţat multe. Inclusiv faptul că era absolut necesară colaborarea dintre statele lumii în vederea apărării păcii. Realizarea dezideratului fundamental al poporului român- unirea deplină- a facilitat intensificarea legăturilor diplomatice cu statele lumii. O Românie puternică, care se desăvârşise şi din punct de vedere economic, începea să aibă deja o deschidere mai mare spre ţările cele mai îndepărtate. De America Latină, România era apropiată şi prin limbă. Cunoaşterea reciprocă şi tatonările erau deja, în mare parte, realizate. Amintim doar despre lucrările de geografie universală, traduse în româneşte, care circulau în această parte de lume şi care făceau cunoscute românilor ţările continentului latino-american şi, mai ales, cunoaşterea la faţa locului prin misiunea, în Mexic, a locotenentului medic Ilarie Mitrea din Răşinari - la jumătatea secolului XIX, în cadrul „aventurii mexicane” a lui Napoleon III-, prin expediţiile ştiinţifice întreprinse, la sfârşitul secolului XIX, de Iulius Popper- în Ţara de Foc, dar şi activitatea sa în Cuba, Brazilia şi Argentina- şi Emil Racoviţă.

Keywords: emigration, internal politics, diplomacy, state unity.




Caracteristicile socialismului latino-american contemporan
Dr. Răzvan Victor Pantelimon

Abstract: This article tries to analyze the evolution and characteristics of actual socialist parties and movements from Latin America. We believe that the collapse of Soviet Union and of “real socialism” states was the start of an important crisis for the Latin-American socialism, a crisis from which revives a new socialism in Latin America. The main characteristics of this new socialism could be the following: the renunciation at the traditional ideology and theories (like social classes war, the central place of the working class, the nationalization of the private business and production medias, the central place of the Communist Party like an vanguard etc); the building of a new discourse; the change of the political subject from the worker to the citizen; the acceptance of an multi-party system; strong elements of populism; the use of social movements. But the main change, and this is our hypothesis of research, is the acceptance of democracy as the “only game in town” and the substitution of the insurrectional and violent way to reach power by the use of democratic and electoral rules. In ideological terms is the passage from the Leninist “assault for the power” to the Gramscian “obtaining hegemony”.

Rezumat: În acest articol vom analiza care sunt caracteristicile socialismului latinoamerican de astăzi şi prin ce se identifică el. Credem că odată cu cădere URSS şi a statelor socialiste socialismul latino-american a evoluat într-un sens interesant care a permis partidelor socialiste din această zonă să-şi modifice ideologia, programele politice, strategiile şi chiar liderii, aceasta fiind chiar ipoteza noastră de cercetare principală. Dacă până la căderea „socialismului real” stânga latino-americană discuta în special despre formele sau modalităţile de realizare a schimbărilor sociale şi a evoluţiei societăţii, în zilele noastre chestiunea principală este aceea a obiectivelor de realizat, a etapelor care trebuie parcurse etc.

Keywords: socialism, Latin America, crisis, democracy, reform.




La dinastía liberal: la selección de los candidatos a diputados en el Partido Liberal de Honduras en 2005
Margarita C. Batlle

Abstract: This paper analyses the legislative candidate selection process held by the Partido Liberal de Honduras in 2005. The study approaches issues such as the origin of the organization and its institutional culture and the influence of external and internal rules over the candidate selection mechanism used by the party in this opportunity compared with those used before. Therefore, this article determines the most important characteristics of the candidate selection process and its effects on other areas.

Rezumat: Această lucrare analizează selecţia candidaţilor în proceul de selecţie legislativ susţinut de Partidul Liberal în Honduras în 2005. Studiu expune unele probleme cum ar fi originea organizării şi culturii instituţioale şi influenţa regulilor externe şi interne asupra selecţiei candidaţilor în mecanismul de selecţionare folosit de partid cu această ocazie în comparaţie cu alte selecţii realizate în trecut. Aşadar, acest articol încearcă să găsească cele mai importante caracteristici ale procesului de selecţie a candidaţilor şi efectele sale în alte domenii.

Keywords: Candidate selection, Political parties, Honduras, Partido Liberal de Honduras (PLH).



Instaurarea şi organizarea regimului lui Hugo Chávez în Venezuela (1998-2000)
Sabin-Dumitru Coroian

Abstract: Hugo Chávez is one of the most renowned leaders of Latin America, in this article we will analyze the pattern of his political way to power, which was the political background of Venezuela in those times, and how did he managed to change people’s perception about himself, a former military officer imprisoned in 1992 for a failed coup d'état. He was the most widely supported candidate and won the 1998 presidential elections and was sworn as president of Venezuela. He stated in those moments that the constitution of his country must be changed because his political reforms which were presented in his wining electoral platform are against current constitution and those values presented in it. The new constitution was adopted in 1999 and soon after that a new presidential elections were set, he won the 2000 elections and that was the moment when he started to implement radical political and economical reforms which were not very well accepted by foreign powers with high economical influence in South America.

Rezumat: Hugo Rafael Chávez Frías, pe numele său complet, este preşedintele în funcţie al Venezuelei. Lucrarea de faţă are ca scop analizarea regimului instaurat în Venezuela în urma alegerilor prezidenţiale din anul 1998, alegeri câştigate de către unul dintre cei mai controversaţi lideri actuali ai Americii Latine, Hugo Chávez. Articolul de faţă are ca obiect de cercetare studierea evoluţiei regimului Hugo Chávez începând cu momentul cheie, acapararea puterii prin câştigarea alegerilor prezidenţiale din anul 1998. Ulterior acaparării puterii urmează – în ordine cronologică – procesul de adoptare a noii constituţii în anul 1999. O parte semnificativă a acestui studiu o constituie analizarea articolelor controversate ale textului constituţional. Reinvestirea lui Hugo Chávez ca preşedinte al Venezuelei la alegerile prezidenţiale din anul 2000, reprezintă momentul final al cercetării datorită consolidării regimului său politic.

Keywords: Hugo Chávez, Venezuela, constitution, elections, parties, socialism, democracy.




Brazilia – o putere regională cu valenţe mondiale. Politica externă braziliană în perioada administraţiei Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva, 2002-2009
Iulian Niţu

Abstract: The international political scene went in the last twenty years through a series of profound political and economic transformation: a new world order based on the mechanism of global markets and the gradual emergence of new global political players are just some of the factors that have contributed to the change course of the world today. Brazil has also gone through major changes illustrated by the increasing influence in the area of South America and its recognition as a premier global player. These changes in Brazil's position in the region and the world have occurred as a result of both the processes of regional and global objectives in areas that affect the South American giant in different ways, and decisions taken by the government of Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva. Structural and systemic changes that marked the early 1990s Brazil, require a brief review. First, there has been a huge effort to open the economy. This plan started during the presidency of Fernando Collor (1990-1992), and because it was a success, was followed by the Real Plano (Real Plan), a macroeconomic stabilization plan launched by the Minister of Economy Fernando Henrique Cardoso during the Itamar Franco administration (1992-1994). Plano Real, was continued and strengthened during the two presidential mandates held by Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-1999 and 1999-2002), despite numerous financial crises that hit Brazil, leading to the negotiation of stand-by agreements with the IMF (1998, 2001, 2002). Cardoso administration period witnessed a complex process of legislative and institutional changes which have exerted significant effects on domestic Brazilian macroeconomic realities, but also a set of relevant foreign policy, most of them manifested in regional integration schemes with Mercosur and negotiations in accordance with U.S. proposal to create a free trade area of the Americas (FTAA). The stabilization process allowed a new international projection of Brazil, mainly due Cardoso established good relations with some of the most important world leaders (the G-7). Whatever the relative weight of Brazil in global and regional supply schemes in the early 1990s, it is noteworthy that due to the impressive economic mass, diplomatic projections, it’s capacity to attract foreign direct investment on a regular basis and other factors, Brazil had already a degree of influence in the region.

Rezumat: Scena politică internaţională a trecut în ultimii douăzeci de ani printr-o serie de transformări politico-economice profunde: o nouă ordine mondială bazată pe mecanismul pieţelor globale şi apariţia progresivă de noi jucători politici globali sunt doar câţiva dintre factorii care au contribuit la modificarea parcursului lumii de astăzi. Brazilia a trecut de asemenea prin schimbări majore ilustrate de creşterea influenţei în spaţiul Americii de Sud şi recunoaşterea sa drept un jucător global de primă mână. Aceste modificări în poziţia Braziliei în regiune şi în lume au avut loc ca urmare atât a proceselor obiective în domeniile regionale şi globale,
care afectează gigantul sud-american în diferite moduri, precum şi a deciziilor luate de către guvern Luiz Inacio Lula da Silva2. Schimbările structurale şi sistemice care au marcat Brazilia de la începutul anilor 1990, necesită o scurtă examinare.

Keywords: reforms, multilateralism, regional power, Mercosur, UNASUR.




Stadiul incipient al Relaţiei Uniunii Europene cu Uniunea Naţiunilor Sud Americane
Marin Petrica

Abstract: The basic idea of this project refers to the economical and political relationship between E.U. and Latin America, and the necessity of a solid and united Latin world. This goal can only be accomplished realizing that the cooperation and the consensual attitude are the basic steps to be followed. Latin American state-chiefs have to realize that E.U. liders need a reliable political partener and the Latins haven’t achieved this phase. The internal problems of this geographical area, like the one’s concerning the energetical issues between Bolivia and Brazilia or the problem represented by The United Forces of Selfdefence from Columbia which affects the relation between Venazuela and Columbia, musn’t be neglected. The constitution of a U.N.A.S.U.R. represent the garanty of the efforts that Latin liders are willing to do.

Rezumat: Cu toţii am auzit de UE (Uniunea Europeană), însă foarte puţini ştim ce este UNASUR (Uniunea Naţiunilor Sud-Americane); consider că înainte de a începe analiza relaţiilor între aceste două organisme internaţionale este necesară clarificarea necunoscutei. Astfel, este nevoie de explicarea modului în care a apărut acest nou partener de discuţii la nivel mondial, urmând apoi ca prin exemple concrete să fie ilustrat modul în care UE se raportează la UNASUR şi tipul de relaţii care se stabilesc. Cel mai elocvent mod de a ilustra acest fapt este printr-o scurtă analiză a unora dintre documentele ce cuprind decizii privitoare la America Latină.

Keywords: U.E.; U.N.A.S.U.R.; partenership; world economic order





Retorica promisiunii în discursul politic actual
Drd. Oana Tătaru

Abstract: The present paper debates the populist and elitist type of discourse that are exemplified by the Discourse of the president of Romania, Traian Băsescu on the occasion of The Unification of Romanian Principalties (Iaşi 24 of January 2008) and the Discourse asserted by the Prime Minister, Călin Popescu Tăriceanu, at the reception that was organized on the occasion of the Europe’s Day (9th of May 2007) by means of tematic and relational analysis. The choice of language of the two political discourses is marked by indexes such as clarity, emotional impact and context, each of them being present more or less in direct relation to the intentions of the above mentioned political actors. The words of the political discourses might be said to have been carefully chosen, thus deducing the association of ideas that the receptor is likely to operate, respectively the two categories of public to whom they are addressed. The language of discourses make use of the images that words evoke and which are based on stereotypes the audience has assimilated along the time, while the word itself is carefully sought in order to emphasize the message. A common expression of a trivial truth “the power of words” seems to be a truism. Words are endowed with the attribute of expressing both sides, good and bad, but they might prove to be a real element in constructing relations or might destroy the role of language by annihilating its power. Therefore, both facets should be taken into consideration and studied in such a manner that the audience to be aware of the effects they exert.

Rezumat: Studiul de faţă îşi propune să analizeze tipul de discurs populist şi elitist, exemplificate prin Discursului preşedintelui României, Traian Băsescu, cu ocazia Zilei Unirii Principatelor Române (Iaşi 24 ianuarie 2008) şi Discursul susţinut de primul ministru Călin Popescu Tăriceanu, la recepţia organizată cu ocazia Zilei Europei (9 mai 2007) pe baza analizei tematice şi relaţionale.

Keywords: communicational act, message, norm, political language.




Abordări conceptuale ale concurenţei de oligopol
Drd. Cristian Moşnianu

Abstract: The interval between 1860-1890 was characterized by a significant change of the economical aspect. It is important to mention that a series of changes were determined by transformations in the scale of technology output. Technological changes had major consequences as regards the structure of a company. First and foremost, although the production cost of various goods decreased, this reduction might have been obtained only by the companies that were able to enlarge their production scale. Thus, manufactories had to expand in order to gain economies of scale. Secondly, the new technologies necessitated quite expensive equipments and facilities. As a consequence, fixed costs became high and determined limitation in point of access regarding certain areas, thus restricting the competition. The outcome of these fixed costs was a quite important one, namely it became difficult to go bankrupt and more profitable the carrying on of activity even if loss conditions were present. Even if important companies were suspected to have had as target the monopolization, they had prefered to share the market with various rivals. The reasons involved the economical and psychological aspect. The world is ruled by megacorporations that are not only interested in selling a significant amount of goods on internationl markets but also in buying and producing abroad different components and materials. Consequently, transnational companies have to co-ordinate functional operations abroad and to increase thier efficiency.

Rezumat: Perioada 1860-1890 s-a confruntat cu o transformare fundamentală a peisajului economic. La începutul acestei perioade, cele mai multe manufacturi erau deţinute de firme mici. În 1776, Adam Smith descria o firmă „tipică" ca o firmă cu 10 angajaţi1. Dar
în 1890, multe manufacturi şi sectoare din transport erau dominate de firme mari, deseori organizate în trusturi în Statele Unite şi în carteluri în Europa, care aveau mii de angajaţi şi care se bucurau de o putere politică semnificativă. În SUA în ultimul sfert al secolului XIX, firmele au evitat concurenţa formând trusturi. Astfel, s-au putut menţine preţuri ridicate prin limitarea producţiei. În Europa, cartelurile erau legale şi, ca urmare, firmele dintr-o industrie puteau intra într-o înţelegere pentru a limita producţia şi a menţine preţul ridicat. Ambele forme de înţelegeri au adus stabilitate afacerilor şi profiturilor la un preţ înalt şi au diminuat concurenţa.

Keywords: oligopoly, competition, globalization, monopoly, cartel, trust.




Consolidarea democratică şi partidele politice în Spania post-franchistă
Anne Maria Dragomir

Abstract: The essay focuses on the problems regarding transition and democratic consolidation. This analysis presents different theories of transition, especially taking into consideration works like The Third Wave and Problems of Democratic Transition and Consolidation. The case of Spain represents a landmark for transition examples. The role of political parties,as link between the state and the people, is a central one,taking into consideration the fact that any democratic system is based on representation. Power alternation is another key factor in transitions that we can find in the case of Spain. The process of transition is a complex one,and therefore meets many obstacles. In Spain, political parties helped during the transition,but also represented interference in the case of nationalsit parties.

Rezumat: Secolul trecut a fost marcat de conflicte, crize, alianţe şi decizii care au condus întreaga umanitate, în general, şi europenii în particular către două conflagraţii mondiale care au provocat schimbări serioase în aproape toate statele implicate. Primul şi cel de-al Doilea Război Mondial au lăsat urme vizibile atât sub aspect economic, cât şi politic şi social. Statele, impărţite între învingători şi învinşi sau confruntat cu un număr inimaginabil de pierderi umane şi au fost nevoite să facă mari eforturi pentru a depăşi crizele economice prin care treceau. În acelaşi timp, pe plan politic trebuie subliniată instalarea la putere a unor noi curente ideologice şi în
acest fel aparaţia de noi regimuri politce. Europa de Est cade sub dominaţia ideologiei comuniste, aderând la principiile Uniunii Sovietice, în timp ce un alt curent, fascismul, atrage din ce în ce mai mulţi simpatizanţi în state considerate puteri europene, cum ar fi Italia şi Germania. Este şi cazul Spaniei franchiste.

Keywords: trasition, Franco, democratic consolidation, Juan Carlos, political parties.




Sistemul politic egiptean: elite, partide şi alegeri
Gabriel Florea

Abstract: This paper presents the overall situation of the political evolution from Egypt during the last half of century. After a short introduction on colonial heritage the study approaches issues regarding the three presidents: Nasser, Sadat and Mubarak. The essay also defines the role of the opposition in Egypt and how the main party managed to keep control of the political power during all these years, especially by blocking any form of real opposition. In this article can be found the main reasons why Egypt hasn’t got an actual democratic political system and can be called a blocked transition.

Rezumat: Evoluţia politică şi socială a statelor moderne cunoaşte o multitudine de forme. În lucrarea de faţă vom face referire la statul egiptean, analizând modul în care elemente precum partidele politice, elitele, organizaţiile au influenţat viaţa socio-politică. De asemenea, vom examina şi o serie de alegeri recente din Egipt, pentru o mai bună conturare a mediului politic şi pentru o caracterizare cât mai precisă a acestui stat. Pentru a putea realiza acest lucru în primul rând trebuie să evidenţiem conceptele cu care vom lucra, dar şi să face o serie de menţiuni esenţiale în legătură cu statul egiptean.

Keywords: Elections, elites, Nasser, Sadat, Mubarak, opposition, parties, Muslim Brotherhood, National Democratic Party, Al-Azhar.